La batalla por el salario mínimo en EE.UU.

Por Jean Batou
Un salario mínimo de 15 dólares la hora (10,8 euros; actualmente es de 7,25 dólares a escala federal y oscila entre este importe y el tope de 9,30 dólares según el Estado) es ahora una de las reivindicaciones más populares en EE UU. La movilización en torno a este objetivo la iniciaron los working poor (“pobres con trabajo”) de los establecimientos de comida rápida y de las grandes superficies y encontró un amplio eco en el seno del movimiento Occupy. Ahora la secundan en gran medida los sindicatos, hasta el punto de que el presidente Obama se ha declarado a favor de un compromiso en la cifra de 10,10 dólares para los empleados del sector público.
Al comienzo del siglo XX, cuando quedó derrotada la izquierda sindical y se impuso el sindicalismo corporativo, sobre todo en la construcción, la defensa se centró ante todo en los salarios de los profesionales cualificados. Todo esto comenzó a cambiar con la aparición del Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) en la década de 1930, con la idea de organizar a la masa de trabajadores y trabajadoras mediante la resistencia al dumping salarial. El cambio se produjo en la industria del automóvil, donde los mecánicos, electricistas, etc. tenían organizaciones separadas y donde se impuso la idea de un sindicalismo de ramo. Esta perspectiva ya se había planteado a finales del siglo XIX entre los mineros y los ferroviarios, especialmente bajo la dirección de Eugene Debs, que se reclamaba del socialismo. Sin embargo, estos sectores sufrieron una importante derrota en Chicago en 1894. El sindicalismo de ramo tardará así cuatro décadas en implantarse y dominar el mundo del trabajo, entre mediados de la década de 1930 y mediados de la de 1950. Fue en ese periodo, concretamente en 1938, cuando se introdujo el salario mínimo, tanto gracias a la movilización de los trabajadores como en virtud de la legislación social del New Deal.

Big Labor contra el salario mínimo
Durante este periodo, EE UU vivieron bajo el signo de Big Labor: los patronos aceptaban entablar negociaciones colectivas con la burocracia sindical a cambio de la expulsión de la izquierda socialista y comunista y de la libertad de acción de las empresas para incrementar la productividad y debilitar la presencia sindical en los lugares de trabajo. En recompensa, el nivel de vida de los trabajadores y trabajadoras mejoraba y las grandes industrias –automóvil, acero, carbón, etc.– fijaban un umbral mínimo para los no afiliados; al mismo tiempo, grandes empresas como Xerox, IBM, etc., podían deshacerse de los sindicatos si aceptaban esos niveles mínimos. De este modo, EE UU experimentó una indudable mejora de los salarios reales, a pesar de la persistencia de importantes desigualdades a expensas de los afroamericanos y las mujeres. Así, hacia finales de la década de 1960, el salario mínimo era superior (un 40 % en términos reales) que el que se paga actualmente, lo que permitió a los sectores más frágiles de la clase obrera beneficiarse de las ganancias de los años dorados del capitalismo estadounidense, a pesar de que la agricultura, la hostelería y el trabajo doméstico siempre hayan estado excluidos del salario mínimo.

En estas condiciones, los sectores dirigentes del CIO (AFL-CIO a partir de 1955) no han pretendido nunca dar prioridad al establecimiento de un salario mínimo legal, por mucho que el contexto de las movilizaciones sociales por los derechos civiles y las reformas sociales de los gobiernos de Kennedy y Johnson –encaminadas a reforzar la base de apoyo popular del Partido Demócrata, respondiendo a la presión creciente del mundo del trabajo– ofrecieran oportunidades en este sentido, en particular por el acercamiento entre la burocracia sindical y el gobierno federal. Es en esa época en que se habló de la colaboración del Big Government del Big Buisness y del Big Labor. De ahí que el declive del salario mínimo en términos reales se iniciara a finales de los años sesenta.

En 1996, un año después de ser elegido a la cabeza de la AFL-CIO, John Sweeney escribió un panfleto titulado America Needs a Raise (EE UU necesita un aumento), que marca un cambio de política de los sindicatos. Sus predecesores se habían opuesto hasta entonces a la Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC), introducida en la década de 1970 y que preveía ventajas fiscales para los trabajadores y trabajadoras de salarios bajos, lo que equivalía de hecho a una subvención indirecta del Estado a las empresas. Así, Walmart o McDonalds pudieron seguir pagando salarios de miseria, mientras que los demás contribuyentes sufragaban la devolución de una parte de los impuestos a los trabajadores de esas empresas, aparte de las ayudas sociales a que tenían derecho. Ahora, este mecanismo ya no se sostiene debido al número creciente de los working poor.

Se acabó el “sueño americano” del empleo
Los dirigentes sindicales pasaron entonces a alegar lo siguiente: somos más débiles que antes, hemos sufrido una derrota con el Tratado de Libre Comercio de América del Norte (NAFTA, 1994), perdemos afiliados en el automóvil, la siderurgia, etc. y ya no podemos pensar en regular el mercado de trabajo como cuando organizábamos al 25 o 30 % de los asalariados. Sin embargo, ¿cómo puede sobrevivir una burocracia sindical que busca un marco de entendimiento entre el trabajo y el capital, pero a la que los patronos ya no quieren hacer concesiones? Para ello, tratará de reconstruir una línea de defensa procurando organizar el sector de los servicios (Sweeney venía de ese sector), que no son tan fáciles de deslocalizar, y a los inmigrantes (aunque solo sea con el fin de mantener las cotizaciones necesarias para mantener el aparato). Para ganarse a estos nuevos sectores, contratará una nueva generación de liberados, en muchos casos procedentes de la izquierda estudiantil de los años setenta, jóvenes entusiastas, sinceros, comprometidos, dispuestos a hacer horas extras no retribuidas.

Para Sweeney, lo que ya no era posible conseguir mediante la negociación colectiva había que tratar de obtenerlo políticamente, apostando por una intervención más fuerte en el terreno electoral con la baza del peso numérico de la clase obrera. Por tanto, no se trataba de hacer política para apoyar la organización y las movilizaciones en los lugares de trabajo, sino de sustituir en gran medida la lucha sindical por la lucha política. En realidad, la AFL-CIO había renunciado a defender “el sueño americano del empleo”: trabajar duramente en la gran industria, conseguir aumentos salariales, tener derecho a una pensión de jubilación digna, poseer una pequeña cabaña en el bosque o incluso una barquita para ir a pescar el fin de semana…

Las derrotas de las décadas de 1980 y 1990 ya no permitían creer en esta perspectiva, a pesar de las importantes huelgas del sector del automóvil, a finales de los años noventa, en especial para impedir la salida de las máquinas de Flint (Michigan) –que había sido el foco principal de las grandes luchas de la década de 1930–, pero que no lograron evitar el cierre de fábricas y los despidos masivos en General Motors. Asimismo, la huelga general [de 1997] en UPS, principal multinacional de paquetería, cuyo lema era “La América a jornada parcial no funciona”, no consiguió su objetivo: los salarios estaban congelados en 8,30 dólares la hora desde 1986, y el personal no obtuvo más que un aumento de 50 céntimos, lo que explica la explosión de beneficios y la diversificación de las actividades de esta empresa. Este atolladero permite comprender el giro más reciente de los sindicatos a favor del salario mínimo.

Descenso de los salarios
Desde 1997 hasta hoy, los salarios de los nuevos contratados en la industria automovilística han descendido un 40% (50 a 60% si se tienen en cuenta las primas y ventajas suprimidas), mientras que los salarios de los más antiguos están congelados en 17 dólares la hora, teniendo en cuenta la inflación. En los sectores sindicados se asiste a la implantación de salarios diferenciados, que globalmente están congelados. Los convenios distinguen entre una categoría de nuevos contratados con salarios bajos y derechos sindicales muy cercenados. Este proceso se ha acelerado desde el comienzo de la recesión, en 2007-2008. De ahí que el salario mínimo aparezca claramente como un umbral absolutamente indispensable.

Durante las movilizaciones de Occupy, los sindicatos hicieron algunas cosas buenas que un par de años antes seguro que no habrían hecho. En la mayoría de los casos interpretaron el movimiento como una expresión de la rabia de los trabajadores y trabajadoras jóvenes a la que había que apoyar. De hecho, en aquellas manifestaciones participaron decenas de miles de asalariados, en muchos casos sindicados (en Nueva York, las tasas de afiliación son elevadas en los servicios públicos), con o sin el apoyo de su sindicato, poniendo así de manifiesto la fuerza de una idea simple: el 99% debe defender sus intereses contra el 1% que acumula la mayor parte de la riqueza. Los sindicatos captaron el mensaje, aunque hayan ido más bien a la zaga del movimiento en vez de organizarlo y a menudo lo hayan desviado hacia objetivos electorales a corto plazo.

En el último congreso de la AFL-CIO, en septiembre de 2013, la dirección sindical –cosa inimaginable en tiempos de la guerra fría– renunció prácticamente a presentar el sindicato como una organización de trabajadores y trabajadoras para defender una concepción inclusiva de la organización, que tiende la mano a las grandes asociaciones de afroamericanos, de mexicoamericanos, de ecologistas, y afirmar al mismo tiempo que el centro de gravedad de la lucha ya no está en los lugares de producción. De todos modos, hay algo que está mal asumido en todo esto: por ejemplo, los sindicatos se movilizarán contra el racismo o la contaminación en algunos lugares, pero al mismo tiempo defenderán la construcción del gasoducto Keystone desde Canadá, con el argumento de que este proyecto faraónico genera empleo.

Éxitos prometedores
En Seattle, el apoyo prestado por una parte de los sindicatos a la campaña de Kshama Sawant, la primera candidata socialista –presentada por Socialist Alternative, un grupo trotskista– en ser elegida, el pasado mes de noviembre, a la alcaldía de una gran ciudad del país, se basó en la reivindicación de un salario mínimo de 15 dólares la hora, a la que se adhiere el principal sindicato del sector servicios (SEIU). Conviene saber que el amplio apoyo prestado a esta reivindicación germinó asimismo en el seno del movimiento Occupy, donde amplios sectores obreros se dieron cuenta de que sus bajos salarios no se debían a carencias personales o a la mala suerte, sino que eran consecuencia de una relación de fuerzas sociales desfavorable. Obama supo aprovechar esta toma de conciencia evocando las desigualdades sociales en su último informe sobre el estado de la Unión: aunque él no defienda ningún programa social ni proponga ninguna normativa legal al Congreso, apela a la buena voluntad de las empresas y se pronuncia a favor de un salario mínimo de 10,10 dólares en el sector público. Es una manera de colocar a los republicanos a la defensiva y de ganarse la simpatía del movimiento sindical. Al tiempo que hace campaña por el salario mínimo de 15 dólares y lanza referendos locales sobre el tema, la burocracia sindical presionará sin duda a favor de una solución intermedia en el Congreso.

En un plano más profundo, la reivindicación de un aumento del salario mínimo ha suscitado una oleada de luchas en los establecimientos de comida rápida y las grandes superficies. Sin embargo, para ganar, los sindicatos no pueden contentarse con firmar un acuerdo, por ejemplo, con McDonalds. Es preciso que ese acuerdo conduzca asimismo a la renegociación de los contratos del grupo con sus miles de puntos de venta, gestionados por contratistas independientes, para que puedan soportar los aumentos salariales. En este sentido, una experiencia desarrollada en la cadena Taco Bell (especializada en “cocina mexicana”) ha dado buenos resultados. En la pequeña localidad de Immokalee, en Florida, un grupo de trabajadores y trabajadoras inmigrantes lanzó una campaña en los puntos de venta de la cadena para exigir una mejora salarial, así como un precio mejor por los tomates adquiridos de los agricultores de la región; obtuvieron el apoyo de los estudiantes, que organizaron un boicot nacional contra Taco Bell, creando así una amplia coalición en torno a estos objetivos. Y finalmente han conseguido lo que se proponían, demostrando que es posible ganar en las empresas buscando aliados.
*Artículo escrito sobre la base de una conversación mantenida el 11 de marzo de 2014 con Lee Sustar (Chicago), miembro de la International Socialist Organization (ISO) y responsable de la sección laboral de la página web Socialist Worker (Jean Batou).
Traducción: VIENTO SUR

Fuente: ?article8866

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  160. I’ll gear this review to 2 types of people: current Zune owners who are considering an upgrade, and people trying to decide between a Zune and an iPod. (There are other players worth considering out there, like the Sony Walkman X, but I hope this gives you enough info to make an informed decision of the Zune vs players other than the iPod line as well.)

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  172. Sorry for the huge review, but I’m really loving the new Zune, and hope this, as well as the excellent reviews some other people have written, will help you decide if it’s the right choice for you.

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  174. Hands down, Apple’s app store wins by a mile. It’s a huge selection of all sorts of apps vs a rather sad selection of a handful for Zune. Microsoft has plans, especially in the realm of games, but I’m not sure I’d want to bet on the future if this aspect is important to you. The iPod is a much better choice in that case.

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